Recent Publications

Tongfi Kim

The United States has an extensive global network of security partnerships, the most important of which are in East Asia and Europe. U.S. allies in both regions are under increasing pressure from China and Russia, while President Trump’s contemptuous attitude toward them incites additional uncertainty about the reliability of the U.S. security umbrella. In particular, East Asian allies are anxious about Trump’s fluctuating relationship with North Korea’s Kim Jong-un, and are waiting to see the impact of Kim’s nuclear capability on U.S. military activity in the Korean Peninsula. Given recent concerns voiced by U.S. allies, it is crucial to evaluate the circumstantial similarities and differences between U.S. trans-Pacific and trans-Atlantic alliances in order to assess the overarching implications for the U.S. military alliance network going forward.


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Tomas Wyns
Gauri Khandekar
Matilda Axelson
Isobel Robson


This report profiles Flemish energy intensive industries, in the context of the transition to a low- carbon economy, through the analysis of relevant data, studies and technology roadmaps. The goal of this report was to utilise information and input from relevant stakeholders in order to investigate the added value of developing future industrial low-carbon visions for Flanders. It also sought, with an optimal contribution by industry, to put forth a proposal on the possible scope and blueprint of a future facilitative framework towards a Flemish low-carbon economy taking into account the interactions and possible synergies between energy intensive industries and the rest of the economy.

Ferran Davesa
Silviu Piros

In January 2018, two different large-scale simulation games on the European Union’s decision-making process took place in Brussels. This study aims to bring systematic empirical evidence from both EuroSim and SUNY Model EU, two active learning experiences that gather around 300 international participants. The
intention is to scrutinize whether specific student attributes generate differential effects on the learning outcomes. These involve cognitive outcomes and affective outcomes. The first type refers to participant’s level of knowledge and understanding about the EU policy-making dynamics. The second type reflects on participants’ overall interest and motivation upon the EU. The data were obtained through a post-
game survey method based on stratified sampling. The results point at affective outcomes as the most salient learning outcomes of the simulations. In relation to participants’ features, the data reveal country of origin and gender as good performance-enhancers for students of non-EU origin and for the female cohort. All in all, in order to increase the usefulness of large-scale simulations, more attention needs to be given to participant selection and role attribution, as well as post-simulation
debriefing or focus groups.

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Dr. Yoon Young-kwan

Despite the historic U.S.-North Korea summit in June, little progress was made on denuclearizing North Korea due to the clash between the U.S. and North Korea on the formula of denuclearization. Both sides are demanding the other to do its work upfront. Due to the inability to resolve this dilemma, North Korea’s nuclear problem has gotten worse during the last three decades. In order to make a breakthrough, North Korea needs to come to the table as soon as possible recognizing that the political momentum for a negotiated solution in the U.S. may not last long due to President Trump’s domestic problems. The U.S. needs to take a more pragmatic approach. While keeping the pressure with economic sanctions, it needs to take concrete measures of political engagement toward North Korea. This would contribute significantly to raising mutual trust and providing a more favorable political environment for negotiating a solution.

Riccardo Trobbiani
Constant Hatenboer

This study seeks to explore the possible developments facing the EU and its role of leadership in a global science diplomacy. Engaging in a foresight analysis, its aim is to provide a reflection on future scenarios and how EU action could influence and operate within them.  The emergence of a clear EU science diplomacy is faced with challenges which are both of a conceptual and material nature. On the one hand, the term remains subject to different interpretations and uses, and its value as a label for science cooperation initiatives is still unclear. On the other hand, unprecedented challenges like climate change require concerted science-based solutions. These seem increasingly harder to achieve in contexts where populist movements discredit scientific evidence as a basis for policy making or where scientific and technological progress is read in a purely competitive way. Within the EU, lack of support for further integration in domains that are not yet communitarised and distance between policy makers and the scientific community risk to nip EU science diplomacy in the bud.

Chantal Lavallée

Chantal Lavallée (2018): “The EU’s Dual-Use Exports: A Human Security Approach?”, p. 43-50. in “Guns, engines and turbines”EU Institute for Security Studies.


Guns, engines and turbines


Considering arms trade an integral part of the EU’s foreign policy toolbox, what is the status of security cooperation between Europe and Asia? Who exactly benefits from European military technology and know-how and how does that affect the overall strategic balance in the region? And how might the EU coordinate its policies to best secure its strategic interests in Asia?

This Chaillot Paper sheds light on the new security dynamics in EU-Asia relations from the ‘hard security’ perspective. By looking at the burgeoning arms trade, dual-use technology transfers, and the emerging connections between new defence markets, it challenges the conventional perception of Europe as a ‘soft’ security actor on the global stage and in Asia in particular. It also shows how the debate on European arms sales highlights the discrepancy between a values-based foreign and security policy discourse at the EU level on the one hand and the economic interests and activities of its member states on the other.

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Rik Coolsaet

The prevention of violent radicalisation as part of counter-terrorism measures is a top priority of the European Union and national security agendas. In 2015 Belgium introduced promising reforms in countering radicalisation and terrorism that aimed at connecting not only intelligence, security and police services across different policy levels but also the multitude of other stakeholders representing the government and civil society. However, the implementation and further development of the Belgian approach to prevention of radicalisation remain contested in political and public debate. This stands to reason because there is a lack of empirical data and a certain disregard of the voices of first-line practitioners who develop and operate preventive measures on the ground. Taking this into account, this IES policy brief provides a critical overview of the current state of Belgium’s counter-radicalisation policy through the prism of analysis of stakeholders’ vision of the present challenges:  the conceptualisation of radicalisation in theory and practise, inter-agency and multi-stakeholder collaboration, and the evidence-based evaluation of interventions.

Nicola Acocella
Paolo Pasimeni

The analysis of divergences and imbalances in the EMU suggests that failure to reduce inflation rate differentials in a monetary union may lead to increasing economic and political tensions and has indeed done so. However, it is also true that a top-down coordination of national policies for implementing structural policies in order to pursue that reduction would raise issues of democratic legitimacy. This epitomises the existential challenges that the EU faces nowadays.


Christopher S. Browning

Recent years have seen an interesting development in practices and policies of nation branding. Alongside an emphasis in which nation branding programmes seek to activate desires of conspicuous consumption in consumers, or to use branded messages to attract investment, there has also been a growing emphasis placed on policy transfer as a part of nation branding strategies. To date, this shift towards the incorporation of policy transfer within nation branding practices had received only limited analysis. Questions that arise, therefore, include: why are countries increasingly shifting their nation branding programmes in this direction? What do they seek to gain by engaging in such exports? And should we take the ostensibly beneficent nature of such practices at face value? The aim of this working paper is therefore to consider what the shift to policy transfer may tell us about the developing politics of nation branding.

Diana Potjomkina

This policy paper aims to contribute practical insights and recommendations to the intense debate on engagement of stakeholders in the European Union’s trade policy. The EU is currently facing increasing demand for a constructive dialogue with stakeholders on trade. In response, several new measures are being implemented or planned at the moment. These ‘policy windows’ allow for certain short-term as well as longer-term policy adjustments.